Monthly Archives: July 2020

Further Comments and Sources on the Future of Places 3: Climate Change and World Views

In a previous post I provided a synopsis of what I think are the four most important interacting trends that will affect the future of places – the place legacy, demographic changes, urbanization and climate change. To keep my discussion concise I abbreviated some data that supports my argument and did not refer to all the sources I had used.  This (and two other posts, on place legacy and population, and on urbanization) are really long footnotes or appendices to that previous post which provide background material, data, and details about sources I used.

This post considers climate change (an issue on which there is a constant flow of material updating models and projections), shifts in world views that could have implications for places, and offers some concluding comments about the future of places.

Climate Change
Much of my interpretation of the impacts of climate change on places is based on the 2018 IPCC Special Report on the impact of 1.5C global mean temperature increase and the importance of taking significant actions before 2030. This report indicates what is required to meet the 2016 Paris Accord on climate change to keep the warming below 2C.

All IPCC reports are challenging, partly because the scientific models are complex, and partly because they have, in effect, been written by committees and have to be approved by almost two hundred participating nations. This particular report is a sort of literature review, the diagrams are complicated and much of the information is so carefully qualified it is difficult to grasp.

The clearest statement on the implications of global warming I have identified is Cross Chapter Box 8, Table 2, in Chapter 3, Impacts of 1.5C warming on Natural and Human Systems, near the end of section 3.7 Knowledge Gaps. This offers three scenarios of possible futures, one in which there is immediate strong international support for achieving net zero emissions; a second in which actions are delayed beyond 2030 but implemented after the effects of climate change become apparent; a third in which actions are uncoordinated and not taken until late in the century and the global temperature increases to 3C above pre-industrial levels by 2100.

In the latter two cases the consequences will be considerable. A 3C rise, the report suggests, will mean that from the perspective of 2100 the world as it was in 2020 is no longer recognizable. Migration and forced displacement will be extensive in some countries, the well-being of people will generally have decreased, and levels of poverty increased. See also this discussion at new cities about climate migration.

This Special Report was written in the context of a well-argued assumption that a doubling of atmospheric C02 will lead to a global mean temperature increase of between 1.5C and 4.5C. Recent research re-examining this assumption has concluded that the range of probable warming will be narrower than this, probably somewhere between a minimum of 2.6C (which is higher than the preferred Paris Accord value) and maximum of 3.9C. Less than was feared, but more than was hoped. With a global mean temperature increase of 2.6C there will still be an array of serious impacts and emissions need to be sharply curtailed to prevent anything more than that.

The IPCC Special Report is clear that: “There is no single 1.5 C warmer world.” This is because the effects will differ from region to region. In addition, there are varying degrees of uncertainty about the consequences of climate change, partly because they are so complex, partly because they interact with other environmental, social and economic processes, and partly because the effects of actions taken to mitigate them could be delayed. There are also possibilities of overshoot and tipping points that lead to a cascade of consequences that cannot be reversed. To acknowledge these uncertainties the report is filled with terms such as Likely, Very Likely, High Confidence, Medium Agreement etc. Nevertheless, the overall and clear conclusion is that the effects of climate change are going to be severe unless substantial mitigation measures are implemented very soon.

These effects can seem obscure when they are stated in general terms about degrees of warming or migrations. A straightforward indication of their impact on specific cities in Canada is indicated in a forecast of the increase of the number of very hot days (exceeding 30C). Several cities will go from under two weeks of very hot weather to about two months, which greatly increases heat related health problems. See also this interactive website about weather condition in  cities in 2100.

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is Hot-days-in-Canadian-citiesweb-1024x456.jpg
Projected number of days above 30C in selected Canadian cities 2021-2040, 2041-2080. 2081-2100. Source: Health Canada.

A particularly pessimistic indication the future effects of climate warming is suggested by research about increases in heat and humidity that will result in conditions too severe for human tolerance. This has suggested that there is evidence that wet bulb temperatures exceeding 35C (the upper physiological limit for prolonged exposure), which climate models projected to happen initially in mid-century, have already been reached or approached in localized cases in South Asia, coastal Middle East and coastal south east North America.

A recent article in the New York Times by Abrahm Lustgarten suggests that currently about 1 percent of the world experiences temperatures that make it barely livable, and if current trends continue by about 2070 as much as 19 percent could become an unlivable hot zone spreading across Africa from Nigeria to Ethopia, plus most of India and Pakistan, large parts of Indonesia, an a section of northern Australia. I can’t find another source for this particular projection but if it is accurate many of the places in these regions will have to be abandoned. Even if things turn out to be less severe, there is still a very strong possibility that climate warming and sea level rises will lead to mass migration. The article provides strong evidence that crop failures caused by climate change in Central America have already led to migrations, and that sea level rises and increasing salination could cause severe problems in the Mekong Delta, the Nile Delta and Iraq. Some recent research suggests 300 million people could experience annual flooding by 2050 if there are no significant reductions in C02 emissions, many of them in China and Indonesia, but Miami, New Orleans, New York, Boston and San Francisco are probably among the top ten cities that will be most impacted.

On the other hand a recent report about successful adaptations to climate change in the Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100 offers a promising instance of how successful warning systems and evacuation procedures can be. A typhoon during the pandemic caused very little loss of life because effective procedures are now in place. Even so, the monsoons in 2020, perhaps the heaviest in a decade, have resulted in one third of the country being underwater and have displaced 1.5m people.

From a different perspective a recent article in The Atlantic makes that important point that it will be necessary to transition several countries, including Nigeria, Algeria, Libya, Mexico and Iraq, from economies dependent on oil to economies that are climate friendly and this will not be easy. In Nigeria half government revenue is dependent on oil; recent price declines already mean a substantial loss of income in a country where 80 million people live on less than $1 a day. The consequences of failing to manage a smooth transition will increase the fragility associated with weakened governments, economic depression, international migration, severe violence and terrorism.

Changing Worldviews
In a previous blog I discussed the way that rationalism has lost its once privileged position. Some philosophical sources for this are the various writings of Richard Rorty, Michel Foucault, and Stephen Toulmin. Not every philosopher agrees of course, but it has become very difficult to maintain that an objective, materialist view of the world is the only valid or most correct one.

As rationalism loses its privileged position other perspectives are emerging, including, for example, those that emphasize gender and racial inclusion. From the perspective of place I think the following are particularly important.

Ecology and Environment. I am not aware of anyone else who has made my argument that the idea of working with natural processes rather than subjecting them to human domination is an innovation of the last 150 years, initially manifest in the creation of national parks (and at about the same time coining the word ‘ecology;), followed by the conservation movement, environmentalism, ecological planning, and most recently sustainability. It seems clear that this ecological view has become increasingly widely accepted and is certainly in the background of the Green New Deal. It can only become stronger as the impacts of climate change become more apparent.

Electronic Communications: Marshall McLuhan’s argument that the medium is the message means that the prevailing medium of communication has a powerful affect on enduring social practices and values. In other words, how things are communicated is, in terms of social processes, more important that what is communicated. As one example, the linearity and straightforward clarity of printing provided a mostly visual medium that has made possible scientific rationalism and linear, orderly thinking. In contrast, electronic media have characteristics of oral media that promote more emotional forms of communication with an emphasis on feelings and opinions rather than objective evidence.  Although electronic communication began with the telegraph in the 1840s, it has only since 1990 and the invention of the world wide web that it has acquired a popular and almost omnipresent presence.  In less than 30 years it has been adopted by most people in the world (over 50 percent use the internet in some way) and its impacts on social life and politics have been extensive and intensive.  

Place-based localism is a relatively recent phenomenon, especially in the current form that involves electronic links between specific places, though its roots as an explicit idea go back to the 19th century.  See my post discussing electronic media and place here.

Anthropologist Clifford Geertz in Local Knowledge (Basic Books 1983, p.16), wrote that:: “To see ourselves as others see us can be eye-opening. …. But it is from the far more difficult achievement of seeing ourselves amongst others as an example of the forms human life has locally taken, a case among cases, a world among worlds, that the largeness of mind without which objectivity is self-congratulation and tolerance a sham, comes.”

The importance of localism in a global context has been recognized by UNESCO, while the 2018 IPCC Special Report refers frequently to the importance of local mitigation and adaptation in concert with international, national and regional actions, including the possible need for lifestyle changes and shifts in urban planning (see especially SR 1.5C Chapter 4). The Atlantic has had a series of articles about the achievements of local initiatives in the United States, in some cases in spite of federal and state indifference (for instance here).

While a turn to localism has many potential benefits for places, including improved sustainability, independence and self-sufficiency, and shorter supply chains, it does require cooperation between different levels of government if it is not to deteriorate into exclusionary attitudes and survivalist communities.  My main point is that, for good or bad, there seems to be a shift towards thinking about the world in terms of localities and places. This is an important rebalance from what has all too often been centralized policies and standardized practices that pay scant attention to whatever is local.  Localism now means understanding how places are interconnected electronically and through travel, and recognizes places in their regional, national and international geographical contexts.

Overview
My point in this series of posts about the history and future of places, and indeed this entire website, is that place is not some sort of incidental amenity.  Its value spans generations and cultures, and is manifest in attachment, belonging and dwelling somewhere, in acknowledging genii loci – the spirits of places – through the creation of sacred or protected sites, in putting down roots, and in a commitment to home and efforts to defend it and to rebuild after disasters. Although this value is not universally shared (some pay little attention to place because their interests are focused on economic gain or other matters), evidence from archeological sites and historical records shows that places always seem to have been important aspects of how people everywhere have experienced and modified the world. 

The conclusion I take from this is that people will find a way to make places that are relatively distinctive and meaningful regardless of the circumstances, no matter how bleak or difficult. Some aspects of those places are personal – gardens, decorations, memories. But their larger forms and appearances in villages, towns, neighbourhoods and cities are determined by prevailing social and cultural beliefs, circumstances and practices. While these constantly change in small ways, from time to time they have undergone substantial changes as populations have grown, civilizations have expanded or shrunk, technological innovations have happened, and new ideas about what is valuable and beautiful have emerged. Each era has left a place legacy that is a record of its more or less distinctive practices of placemaking, a record that is biased towards wealth and power because those are vested in structures such as pyramids, temples, castles, and palaces that were usually built to last.

Given this historical record, it is to be expected that the future of places will consist in part of a legacy of existing places, and in part of placemaking responses to changing social and environmental circumstances that, according to current projections, will include the considerable challenges of population decline, increasing urbanization, and the diverse impacts of climate warming, all of which are global in scope but local in both cause and impact.

At the present time it is far from clear how these challenges will be met and therefore what associated changes to the character of places where people live will be like. This is partly because so much attention is focused on short term concerns and the absence of any widely shared vision of the future. In the current moment this means coping with the covid-19 pandemic in the broader context of political partisanship, the apparent decline of democracy, geopolitical realignments, faltering globalization, the disruptive effects of social media and electronic communication, growing inequality, and in the background concerns about genetic engineering and artificial intelligence. These are problems that are actually or potentially interconnected in ways that are so complicated that they resist straightforward representation or understanding.

This complexity makes it impossible to predict what or indeed whether substantial changes to the character of places will happen in the course of this century. There is no obvious emerging worldview or philosophy, equivalent for instance to rationalism with its companion renaissance aesthetic and notions of progress in the seventeenth century, or industrialization in the early nineteenth century, that might provide hints about how urban neighbourhoods and places in 2050 or 2100 might differ in appearance and character and the patterns of everyday life from those of 2020. What can be said with a reasonable degree of confidence is that places will be mostly in very large cities, some of which in the developed regions of the world will already have declining populations and many of which in less developed areas will be slums of some sort. And unless very substantial actions to reduce greenhouse gas emissions are taken in the next few years, which seems increasingly unlikely, almost all of them will experience hotter and more extreme weather, in some cases so extreme that large sections of their populations will be forced to migrate to places in more moderate climates, where they are unlikely to be very welcome.

To put it succinctly, projections of population, urbanization and climate change, which are probably the most dependable projections available, suggest that the future of places in the twenty-first century, will for many people, be filled with increasing and unprecedented challenges for which past practices offer few solutions. There is currently little to suggest that new ways of making places will develop to address these challenges.

Further Comments and Sources on the Future of Places 2: Urbanization

In a previous post I provided a synopsis of what I think are the four most important interacting trends that will affect the future of places – the place legacy, demographic changes, urbanization and climate change. To keep my discussion concise I abbreviated some data that supports my argument and did not refer to all the sources I had used.  This (and two other posts, on place legacy and population, and on climate change and worldviews) are really long footnotes or appendices to that previous post which provide background material, data, and details about sources I used.

Urban Places and Urbanization
My main source of information on urbanization is UN World Urbanization Prospects [>data in Excel Files>Urban and Rural Populations>File 3, and >Urban Agglomerations>various files]. I have supplemented this with the illustrations and interpretations at Our World in Data Urbanization (based mostly on UN information).

 19501960197019801990200020102020203020402050
World Urban Population in millions7511024135417542290286835954379516759386680
% Urban29.6%33.8%36.6%39.3%43.0%46.7%51.7%56.2%60.4%64.5%68.4%
More Dev in millions4465606747628308849541004105010901124
% Urban54.8%61.1%66.8%70.3%72.4%74.2%77.2%79.1%81.4%84.0%86.6%
Less Dev in millions3054646809921460198426413375411848485556
% Urban18.1%21.5%25.3%29.4%34.9%40.1%46.1%51.7%56.7%61.3%65.6%
Urban population in the World and in More and Less Developed Regions 1950-2050. [Source: UN World Urbanization Prospects]

Although there is limited consistency in definitions between countries of what constitutes “urban,” (municipalities? metropolitan regions? built-up agglomerations?), so precise numbers are open to question, the trend towards increasingly urban populations and places is unarguable. The present is and the future will be overwhelmingly in towns and increasingly large cities.

The pattern of growth of urban populations in developed countries varies. Japan’s urban growth surged in the 1950s, 60s and 70s, but dropped to zero in the 2010s, and is expected to decline by 5 to 6 million a decade to 2050. In Germany and Spain urban populations grew rapidly in 50s and 60s but since then have stabilized at 1 to 2 million a decade. Growth of urban population in the U.S. has ranged from 15 million in the 1970s to 33 million in 1990s, and is expected to continue at about 25 million a decade to 2050. (Note that The Lancet population projections suggest faster declines and slower growth).

The 2020 Data Booklet on the Global State of the Metropolis by UN Habitat notes that what is significant about recent urban growth everywhere is that it has been increasingly concentrated in very large cities, urban agglomerations, metropolitan regions that have multiple centres (often an old core surrounded by several peripheral newer ones). This is expected to continue.  Even in countries where overall population decline is projected, such as Japan and Spain, the largest cities are expected to at least maintain current populations.  In 2020 the UN indicates there are 1934 towns and cities with more than 300,000 people (now referred to by the UN as “metropolises”), with about 60 per cent of the world’s urban population.  Projections indicate that there will 429 additional metropolises by 2035 (or, as a recent Data Booklet by UN Habitat puts it dramatically, one every two weeks for 15 years). Almost all of these will, of course, be in Asia and Africa. By 2035 about 39 percent of the world’s population (3.47 billion) are projected to be living in metropolises with 300,000 or more people; cities of less than that will have about a quarter of the global population.

 Population>10.0m5.0 to 10.0m1.0m to 5.0m500,000 to 1.0m300,000 to 500,000
19502569101129
19603993132164
1970315127190225
1980519174247297
19901021243301416
20001630325396456
20102539380439494
20203451494626729
20304366597710827
20354873639757846
Past and Projected Number of Metropolises of Different Sizes 1950-2035. Source: UN World Urbanization Prospects.

CITY2020 Population2030 PopulationGrowth 2020-2030
Delhi30.3 m39 m8.7 million
Mumbai19.3 m24.5 m5.2 million
Shanghai27.0 m32.0 m5.0 million
Dhaka21.0 m28.0 m9.0 million
Kinshasa14.3 m22.0 m7.7 million
Lagos14.4 m20.6 m6.2 million
Kampala3.3 m5.5 m2.2 million
Dar es Salaam6.7 m10.8 m4.1 million
London9.3 m10.2 m0.9 million
Melbourne4.9 m5.7 m0.8 million
Toronto6.2 m6.8 m0.6 million
Atlanta5.8 m6.6 m0.8 million
New York18.8 m19.9 m1.1million
Paris11.0 m11.7 m0.7 million
Projected population growth of selected cities 2020 to 2030. Source: UN World Urbanization Prospects

The UN Habitat Data Booklet indicates that between 1990 and 2015 urban land expansion rates were about double urban population growth rates. In other words, as populations were increasing densities were declining as metropolises spread outwards in relatively low density suburban, exurban and peri-urban settlements. This phenomenon is also apparent in the animations at the Atlas of Urban Expansion.

On New Cities in Africa and Asia:
Information about these is scattered. The ones in China are too numerous to mention here; there are also dozens in India, and many in other Asian countries and in Africa. Here’s a list in no particular order

Konza Technopolis, Nairobi
Gujarat International Finance Tech City (GIFT)
New Town, Kolkata
Gurgaon, New Delhi
King Abdullah Economic City, Saudi Arabia
Diomniadio, Senegal
Colombo Port City, Sri Lanka
Forest City, Malaysia.
Appolonia, Ghana
Hope City, Gracefield Island, near Lagos, Nigeria
Nova Cidade de Kilamba, Angola
Vision City, Kigali, Rwanda.
Putrajaya, Malaysia
Rawabi, West Bank Palestine
Duqum, Oman
Nurkent, Kazakhstan
Songdo, South Korea

Two general articles about the sameness or placeless character of these new cities are in Far and Wide, and The Guardian 2016:
For commentaries about new cities in India see this and this. The Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Development Corridor includes 8 new cities in Phase 1 and eventually perhaps more than 20. There is a YouTube video on India’s 20 New Cities here.

On African new cities see “Which way for livable and productive cities in sub-Saharan Africa” from the World Bank; Africa’s New Billion Dollar Cities; Non-Places; and Jane Lumumba “Why Africa should be wary of its new cities”. who offers cautions from the perspective of a planner and cautions: “What is worrying is that there is little recognition of place, economy, context and even poverty in these cities”.

On Slums, Informal settlements and Poverty:
An academic overview and consideration of differences between formal and informal (slum) urban areas in Africa, how African urban dwellers actively enliven and shape their cities, is available here, (especially from paragraph 13 on, and the discussion about the lack of a clear line between formal and informal settlement). The growth of slums is described by UN Habitat in its Slum Almanac 2015, and in OurWorldinData-Urbanization see Urban Slum Populations.

In spite of huge strides since 1990 that have reduced the world’s proportion of people living in slums from 46 percent to 30 percent, the actual number of people in slums has not kept pace with population growth and has increased and perhaps stabilized at about 900,000 (Slum Almanac 2015, page 84). The Slum Almanac has concise case studies of 28 countries; in the Democratic Republic of the Congo 75 percent (22 million people), and in Nigeria 50 percent (42 million) and a decline from 75 percent in 1990 live in slums; in India the proportion is estimated to be 17 percent (about 100 million) and a decline from 55 percent in 1990.

The World Bank Strategy for Fragility, Conflict and Violence 2020-2025 estimates that by 2030 two thirds of the world’s extreme poor will live in cities threatened by fragility, conflict and violence. Violent conflicts have increased to the highest level in three decades; there are also the largest forced displacement ever, rising inequality and lack of opportunity, climate change, and violent extremism that are often interconnected.

The implication is that the places of the hundreds of millions of people living in deep poverty will be increasingly challenged by deteriorating environmental and political circumstances. They will be little more than temporary refuges, somewhere to hope and struggle for survival.

I took this photo in Chiapas, Mexico in 1998. Ya Basta can be translated as Enough Already.

On Cities with Slow Growth and Incremental Change
My comments on places of slow growth are based mostly on my own observations of cities in More Developed Regions and how they have changed over the last fifty years.

Here some interesting details:
Densification: The City of Toronto is landlocked by other municipalities, so can only grow through densification.  In terms of coverage it was almost fully built over by about 1990, when the population was 2.3 million. But by 2018 the population had grown to an estimated 2.9 million, mostly because of the construction of high rise condominiums in the core (where there are some 90 story condominium towers) and along arterial roads. A projection by the Province of Ontario suggests that the population will be 4.3 million by 2046. I lived in Toronto for several decades and have no idea how this increase can be accommodated.
The urban agglomeration of the Toronto region, which is enclosed by a Greenbelt, is projected to increase from 6.5 million n 2108 to 10.2 million in 2046.
In neither case are there indications of substantial changes in placemaking practices and how this additional growth is to be accommodated.  Presumably more of the same, squeezed together and pushed up.

Flow through: Many world cities are destinations for international immigrants, many of whom then move elsewhere. In London natural increase contributes about 73,000 annually, domestic out-migration is means of loss of about 81,000, but international in-migration is about 79,000. So annual population growth is about 70,000. The population of London in 2020 is 8.9 m, and expected to rise to 10.4m in 2041.

Redistribution There has been speculation in the context of Covid-19 that there will be flight to the suburbs away from high density central parts of cities. Whether this is the case or not, the evidence of urban land expansion at faster rates than urban population growth noted above suggests that central city densification will be matched by suburban expansion. There is some indication more compact and higher density suburban residential developments. The development of peripheral city centres in suburban municipalities may be ways to achieve some mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions by reducing commuting to central areas. This certainly appears to be the case in the Toronto region, which is developing as a polycentric metropolis.

The polycentric urban form of the Toronto urban region. The built up area now covers most of the area of the circles on this map, and is ringed by a greenbelt that will ensure that much future population growth will be concentrated around these centres. Source: This map is from my book Edward Relph, 2014 Toronto: Transformations in a City and its Region, University of Pennsylvania Press.

The range of challenges of urban planning for a slow growing but changing cities: The Chicago Plan is a helpful model. It acknowledges the need to respond to decreasing federal state and local revenues, decaying infrastructure, climate change, and aging and diversifying populations

On Immigration and Hybrid Places:
A report by the US Census Bureau in February 2020 provides population projections under alternative immigration scenarios – zero, high, and low, as a supplement to standard projections that assume a continuation of present policies and trends. The standard projection (main series) is for a total population of 404 million in 2060. With high immigration the population is projected to reach 447 million by 2060, an increase of 124 million; in the low scenario it would reach 376 million. But with zero migration population will peak in 2035 at 333 million and decline to 320 million by 2060. In all scenarios the non-Hispanic white population will decline, but in the zero immigration strategy it would decline most – by 35 million.
(For comparison: the UN medium variant population projection for the US in 2060 is 395 million, and for zero immigration it is 333 million).

The implication is clear. If the population in the US is to grow it has to become more racially diverse. This is, in fact, the case in all countries in Europe, North America and Australia and New Zealand. And because immigration is concentrated in cities, the places and communities in those cities will become increasingly hybrid.

On Shrinking Cities:
There is a Shrinking Cities Research Network that has been mostly concerned with rustbelt cities in Germany and North America. As a specific case Detroit has coped with shrinking population for several decades and has a Demolition Department that has demolished 20,000 houses since 2014, and boarded up 21,000 more – a process that helps to protect and even enable the renovation of remaining dwellings. 
Additional discussions of shrinking cities are at available here and there is an interesting examination by Francisco Sergio Campos-Sanchez et al, 2019, “Sustainable Environmental Strategies for Shrinking Cities based on successful case studies” in the International Journal of Environment and Public Health.

I am, however, aware of no discussions of the problems that will be presented by overall population decline in the second half of this century for urban and regional planning, and what this will mean for places and communities.  The population forecasts published in July 2020 in The Lancet, discussed above, consider the health, social and possibly beneficial environmental consequences of sharp population declines that they identify as having already begun in 23 developed countries, and of peak population globally in 2064.

But there is no consideration in the Lancet article or, to my knowledge anywhere else, of what a 50 percent reduction in population will mean for the places where people live and no likelihood of future growth. From the perspective of place this amounts to something like a slow progression into a post-apocalyptic future of abandoned buildings and neighbourhoods being gradually overwhelmed by decay and invasive vegetation. At the very least it requires planning for the sorts of problems currently faced by Detroit – strategies for the ad hoc demolition of abandoned houses and apartment buildings. Should remaining inhabitants be clustered in compact settlements? How can that be accomplished? Or should some sort of very low density, dispersed pattern of places be permitted? But in this case, how can infrastructure of sewers, water supply and transit be maintained? What will happen to networks of expressways and hundred story skyscrapers that are no longer needed? Will places crumble like Rome in fifth century CE or be overtaken by vegetation like Mayan cities? Or will some sort of new, sustainable approach to places emerge?

Further Comments and Sources for the Future of Places 1: Legacy and Population

In a previous post I provided a synopsis of what I think are the four most important interacting trends that will affect the future of places – the place legacy, demographic changes, urbanization and climate change. To keep my discussion concise I abbreviated some data that supports my argument and did not refer to all the sources I had used.  This (and two other posts, on urbanization, and on climate change and worldviews) are really long footnotes or appendices to that previous post which provide background material, data, and details about sources I used.

In this post I discuss existential risks and tipping points (which I only mentioned briefly in the synopsis of the future of places), and data and sources supporting both my suggestion that last seventy years created the largest ever legacy of places, and projections for peak population and decline later in this century.

Existential Risks and My Approach
In November 2016 the New Scientist, to acknowledge the 60th anniversary of its first edition, speculated about what the next sixty years might hold. The editors noted sagely that thinking about the future will be bound to get most things wrong but nevertheless noted that there are growing environmental, economic and political threats, artificial intelligence could go rogue, and civilization is a complex adaptive system potentially subject to catastrophic failure.  

This mostly bleak view of the future is widely shared, but there are some optimists who stress the incredible accomplishments in science and technology, and in reducing poverty and improving health and well-being, over the last two centuries and see no reason to assume that this sort of progress will not continue { e.g. Matt Ridley The Rational Optimist  http://www.rationaloptimist.com/blog/best-decade-in-history/; Johan Norberg Progress: Ten Reasons to Look Forward to the Future; Stephen Pinker Enlightenment Now).

My approach to the future of places falls somewhere between those extremes of bleakness and progress. It is based mostly on projections of trends (population, urbanization, climate change) for which strong evidence is available, and the possible interactions of these. There are, however, three ways these can be wrong that I scarcely mentioned in my post on the Future of Places.

First, while projections for the next decade or two are reasonably dependable, they become increasingly uncertain the further they are from the present. This is made very clear in the UN diagram showing the range of population projections for 2100 (see below under Population Growth).

Secondly, trends can be upset by exceptional events such as nuclear conflicts, the possibility of artificial intelligence becoming self-reproducing in ways beyond human control, or widespread political and social upheaval (and perhaps more pandemics). These are unpredictable and their consequences for places are uncertain. Concerns about them are expressed in the Doomsday Clock of the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists https://thebulletin.org/doomsday-clock (which currently shows how dire are the combined threats of nuclear war and climate change, compounded by possible cyber enabled warfare and weakening international security), The Centre for the Study of Existential Risk at the University of Cambridge, and The Future of Humanity Institute at Oxford University.

Thirdly, there is the possibility of tipping points leading to a cascade of unexpected changes.  These are much discussed in models of climate change but the idea has wider application (see this article in Nature).

A tipping point occurs when change, whether rapid or slow, become irreversible as it passes a threshold that leads to a different stable state (for instance, melting of Arctic sea ice could lead to a shift in the circulation of Atlantic Ocean currents which will not revert to its previous condition even if processes that led to the change are removed).  For places social and political revolutions and technological innovations (such as the invention of the city, and automobiles and mass production) have been critical tipping points. It is possible that the development of electronic media will lead to a social tipping point in this century, as could rapid climate warming.

There also appear to be growing possibilities of major political and social shifts in the 21st century – including the decline of democracy (e.g. Anne Applebaum’s recent book The Twilight of Democracy), the end of capitalism as we know it (even the World Economic Forum is speculating about a great reset), and increasing inequality (e.g.Thomas Piketty, see his World Inequality Database), that could separately or in combination lead to revolutions and violence both national and international.  These would obviously have profound impacts on place experiences, and perhaps on placemaking and the character of places as institutions and social relationships are reorganized.

Legacy of Present Places
In my post on the Future of Places I claimed that the unprecedented scale of recent changes to places plus the fact that this scale of change will never be repeated because rates of population growth have peaked, has the consequence that the legacy of present places will inevitably play a major role in the future of places. Without pressure to rebuild and expand much of what we have now will stay much as it is.

Here are some population data that support this assertion, taken from UN Population Prospects 2019 (go to>Data Files>Standard Projections>Total Population Both Sexes which provides populations for the world, more and less developed regions, and individual countries from 1950 to 2100. Forecasts to 2100 are on separate sheets in the Excel Spread Sheet). I have used the Median Variant Projection, which is the considered the most likely one.

19501960197019801990200020102020
World Population (billions)2.53.03.74.55.36.17.07.8
20302040205020602070208020902100
Projected World Population (billions)8.59.29.710.210.510.710.810.9
This simple table shows that World Population grew by almost 5.3 billion in the last 70 years, but is projected to grow by only about 2.5 billion in the next 70 years. The greatest annual rate of global population growth – 2.1% – occurred in 1968; it has fallen to about 1% in 2020 and will drop to about zero by the end of this century. Other population projections (see following section) show an even more rapid decline in population growth, peaking perhaps as soon as 2065). (Source UN Population Prospects 2019)
Source: UN World Population Prospects

The time sequences (animations) of urban growth in 30 major cities in different parts of the world available at the online Atlas of Urban Expansion effectively convey the scale of recent place growth cartographically. I find the animations for Beijing, Sydney, Cairo, Shanghai, Tokyo, and Paris particularly interesting.

This clip from the animation showing the growth of Paris in The Atlas of Urban Expansion shows clearly how growth since 1955 (all the orange and red) dominates the place legacy of the urban region.

My key point is that because population is a driver of placemaking, the last 50-70 years have seen the greatest expansion of and changes to places that is ever likely to occur.  From now on population pressure to build more places and expand existing ones will decrease, especially in the developed world. Only in Africa will place creation driven by population growth continue until the end of the century. And by 2100 it seems very probable that, for the first time ever there will be no overall population increases driving placemaking practices.   

Population Growth
Population projections are based on assumptions about fertility, mortality and migration that become increasingly uncertain with time from the present. The UN provides a number of projections using different assumptions. For 2100 the range is from a low of 7.5 billion to a high of over 15 billion, a range roughly equivalent to the current global population. In between these the median variant is considered the most likely and is the one most frequently cited.

Population projections using different assumptions by UN World Population Prospects 2019 showing a range from 7.5 billion to over 15 billion. Source: Our World in Data.

Excellent summaries and illustrations of population growth (based on the UN data) are available at ourworldindata. This website also illustrates the population forecast of the Wittgenstein Centre for Demography, which has a median forecast showing global population peaking about 2070, thirty years sooner than the UN forecast.  The difference is mostly because of different assumptions about growth in Africa.

To understand the impact of population growth on places it is helpful to look at where and when most recent growth has happened and is forecast to happen. One way to do this is to compare population added per decade using the categories of More Developed Regions (Japan, Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand) and Less Developed Regions (everywhere else), that the UN has used since 1950.

 1950-591960-691970-791980-891990-992000-102010-20
World499m665m758m869m816m813m838m
More dev102m92m75m62m43m46m39m
Less dev397m573m683m807m773m767m799m
Peak decade for population growth shown in bold.
 2020-292030-392040-492050-592060-692070-792080-892090-99
World754m650m536m416m308m215m136m66m
More dev13m1m-7m-13m-13m-8m-3m1m
Less dev741m650m544m429m321m223m139m66m
Source: All data taken from UN World Population Prospects 2010

In Less Developed Regions (and the world as a whole) growth per decade peaked in the 1980s and will continue at slowing rates until the end of the century (or sooner if the Wittgenstein and Lancet projections are correct). Growth per decade in More Developed Regions peaked in the 1950s and will slide into absolute decline in the 2040s, possibly stabilising at the end of the century. The UN population projections for individual countries show that most of the decline will be because of drops in Japan and some European countries, while North America and Australia are expected to continue to grow slowly. 

 RussiaJapanPolandUkraineItalySpainGreece
2020145m125m38m43m60m47m10m
2030143m120m37m40m59m46m10m
2050135m100m33m35m54m43m9m
2100126m75m23m24m40m33m6m
Total Decline 2020-2100-19m-52m-15m-19m-20m-14m-4m
Source: All projections from UN World Population Prospects 2019

The Lancet projections, which assume low fertility rates, indicate more substantial declines – with 23 countries showing a population of decline of 50 percent between now and 2100, including Japan, Thailand, Ukraine, Spain, Hungary, Poland, South Korea, Greece and Italy.

In some countries in More Developed Regions, for instance Germany and the U.K., populations have been maintained or increased slowly by immigration. Population forecasts in these countries have to make assumptions about continuing immigration policies. In the United States the Census Bureau offers a series of projections based on assumptions about zero, low, high and present rates of immigration. With zero immigration the present population of 330 million could drop to 326 million by 2050, and with high immigration it could increase to 420 million.  With continuation of present immigration policies the population should increase to about 380 million in 2050.

Peak population followed by decline raises numerous issues for social and health planning. The population projections in The Lancet consider these and also economic implications and impacts on GDP. The conclusion is that these are variable, so Italy and Spain may see a drop in GDP but this will not be the case in Japan. A more fundamental question is whether overall economic growth is dependent on population growth, and population decline will have to involve the development of a new sort of economics based on sustainability without growth. (See: Wesley Peterson, 2017, “The Role of Population in Economic Growth.) If this is the case there is bound to be an impact on the character of places. However, there is no consistent answer, not least because Japan, where the population is aging but the total has not changed much for 20 years (about 127 million), has increased its GDP per capita faster than the United States, where the population has increased by 50 million since 2000.